WEBVTT

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Ein kurzer Hinweis vorweg. Diese Folge ist in Englisch. Im Krisenmodus wird

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nun häufiger zweisprachig erscheinen.

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In June 2025, the Middle East is on edge like never before.

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Israeli missiles hit Tehran, exploding right in the heart of the Iranian capital.

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In response, Iran fires rockets at Tel Aviv. Meanwhile, the situation in Gaza keeps getting worse.

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The Israeli army is also striking targets in southern Lebanon and Syria,

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calling it self-defense. Die Welt ist kassierend, diskutiert,

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was passiert und fühlt sich immer und mehr unbeziehbar.

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In Israel, in einem Staten von Emergenzüge ist die neue Normal. So, wo ist Israel jetzt?

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Und was ist die Region als ein?

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Nach zwei Jahren von Konflikt, die Israel-Geräusche sind in einem Schadenverlust.

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Das ist das, was die Region hier ist heute.

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In Crisis Mode, the podcast from Conflict Zones with Jan Jessen.

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Welcome to In Crisis Mode, the podcast from the frontlines and conflict zones.

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I'm Jan Jessen, political editor at NRZ and a war and crisis reporter for the Funker Media Group.

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You've probably seen my reports in NRZ, WRZ, the Berliner Morgan Post,

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or the Hamburger Abendblatt.

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I was recently back in Israel, right after the 12-day war between Israel and Iran.

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I visited Tel Aviv, Beersheba, and the West Bank. Und natürlich,

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das war nicht der erste Mal die Funker Media Group war da.

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Seit dem Hamas Terror attack auf Israel in 2023, wir haben die Krieg in Gaza

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und die wideren Konflikten in der Region.

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In diesem episode, du hörst von einem Land, in einem constanten Stade,

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der noch immer noch zu halten, um sich zu halten, um die Leben zu halten.

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Amongst sie ist Ari Shalikar, former Spokesperson für die Israeli-Armee,

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jetzt ein Buch. His latest book is Survival Struggle, A War Diary from the Middle East.

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We're also joined by Usama Antar, a political scientist from Gaza,

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Anita Aviv, an Israeli author and education expert, whose new book is Solidarity

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Means Action, Israeli Civil Society After the Massacre, and Sulaiman Abu Daya,

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a sociologist and Palestinian from East Jerusalem.

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What they say often stands in stark contrast, but that's the reality of this

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conflict. There are a thousand perspectives here, and that's exactly why it's

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so important to hear them all.

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On October 7th, 2023, Hamas fighters and allied militias carried out the deadliest

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massacre of Jews since the Holocaust.

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They killed over 1,200 people and kidnapped more than 250 to Gaza.

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Since then, the whole region has been changed forever. Gaza is almost completely destroyed.

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The Israeli army is still attacking southern Lebanon. The Houthis continue to

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strike from Yemen. und der Konflikt mit Iran ist weit von über.

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Arya Shalikar, die Armee ist der Spokesperson, wenn der Krieg startet wurde,

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sagt es nicht nur ein locales Schirmisch. Es hat sich viel größer von dem Anfang.

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Starting on October 7th, oder auf der latest, October 8th, 2023,

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Israel wurde in eine Art of Survival War.

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Das begann, of course, mit der Attack von Hamas und Islamic Jihad,

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zwei terrorist-organisations. Es war sozusagen ein Terror Regime,

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aus dem Gaza Strip, mit der Hoffnung, dass andere Terrorist-Organisationen in der Region führten.

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Und sie haben. Da kamen die Palestinian-Rocket-Firte von Lebanon,

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Hezbollah, dann kamen von Syrien, von Yemen und sogar von Iran.

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Dann kamen die Ärzte in April und October 2024.

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So at some point, Israel found itself in a multidimensional war,

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one where, on one side, there is a Jewish state, and on the other,

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more or less seven terrorist entities.

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These range from organizations and regimes to states and militias.

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But all of them are ultimately operating under the same conductor.

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And that is, of course, Tehran, the Mullah regime, the so-called Axis of Terror,

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the Shiite Terror Axis, which includes Hamas and Islamic Jihad as well.

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Their goal, of course, and they've said this repeatedly, whether it's Hamas,

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Hezbollah or the Ayatollah in Tehran, is the elimination of the Jewish state.

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What Ari means when he talks about the Shiite Terror Axis is basically what's

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often called the Axis of Resistance against Israel.

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That's mainly Iran and the groups it supports. The Iranian regime,

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whose official doctrine includes the destruction of Israel, which they call

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the Zionist Entity, sees Israel as a big problem in the region that they want to get rid of.

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Iran is widely seen as the main sponsor of terrorism in the Middle East.

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Durch ihre Revolutionäre Gäste finanzieht sie ein paar Gruppen,

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die Israel verabschieden.

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Das betrifft die Houthis in Yemen, Hezbollah in Lebanon, Militien in Irak und

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Syrien, und natürlich Hamas in Gaza.

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Auch wenn Hamas ein Sunni-Grupp ist, bekommt sie noch viel Unterstützung vom Iran.

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Alltags machen diese Gruppen den Axis der Resistenz gegen Israel.

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Und das spricht Arja, wenn er Shiite Terror-Axis sagt. Das haben wir mit Hezbollah

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geschafft ein Jahr, nachdem die Welt geschwiegen hat.

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Wir achieved that with Hezbollah. A year after the world stayed silent about

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the attacks from Lebanon, where hundreds of thousands of Israelis in northern

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Israel could no longer go about their normal lives, many of them were evacuated,

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torn from their own homes and relocated somewhere else within Israel.

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No one in the world cared to put Hezbollah in its place.

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And only when Israel struck, on the 17th and 18th of September last year,

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with the Baipie operation, the Page operation, the Walkie-Talkie operation,

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eliminated Hezbollah's general staff, eliminated Hassan Nasrallah,

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then Safi al-Din, Ibrahim Akhil, and before that, Fuad Shukr.

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Only then did a ceasefire come into effect.

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Yes, that's the message. Only from a position of strength in the Middle East.

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You still have to use the whip against these radical Islamist-fascist hordes

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who have no interest in building bridges with us. They don't want dialogue.

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They want to destroy us." What Arya just said really sums up how a lot of Israelis

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I've talked to over the past few months feel.

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There's a kind of relentless determination in that view.

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And honestly, you can understand why. The images from October 7th are burned

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into the Israeli collective memory.

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Kibbutzim attacked, homes destroyed, women kidnapped and raped.

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Und dann ist der NOVA Festival, das Elektronik Musik Festival, das war auf 7.

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September, wo rund 300 junge Menschen wurden getötet.

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Diese Horrors haben nicht vergessen in Israel.

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Viele Israelis sagen, jetzt müssen wir alle unsere Enemies. Das beginnt mit

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Hamas in Gaza, aber auch militant Gruppen in den West Bank.

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Es ist wichtig, dass die West Bank ist meistens von Israel, und radical Jewish

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settlers da oft attack Palestinians. So far, over 900 Palestinians have been killed in the West Bank.

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People also say, we need to confront Hezbollah in southern Lebanon,

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reduce threats from Syria, attacks coming from the south, and quite a few voices

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even say we should go all the way with Iran.

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You've probably heard about the 12-day war between Israel and Iran that kicked

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off on June 13th when Israel bombed Iranian nuclear sites.

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Iran responded with strikes on Israeli territory.

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There were earlier clashes back in April and October 2024, but those caused only limited damage.

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This June, though, things escalated. Ballistic missiles exploded right in Tel

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Aviv, and Iranian rockets hit Beersheba.

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That had never happened before, and it shook a lot of people I talked to on the ground.

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Some Israelis told me, for the first time, we realized how vulnerable we really

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are, that we can be hit, that our air defense systems, Iron Dome, Arrow 3,

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David's Sling, which together form a layered shield over Israel, aren't invincible.

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And if Iran attacks, the damage could be real.

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Even during my last visit, after a ceasefire between Iran and Israel was announced,

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many were saying, we should have finished the job.

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We should have toppled the regime in Tehran. We should have completely destroyed

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Iran's nuclear program.

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But as far as anyone can tell, that didn't happen. The Iranian nuclear program

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seems to be paused for now, but not destroyed.

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That's why many Israelis I

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spoke with, like Arya Shalikar, think Israel should have hit even harder.

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Of course, many see things completely differently, especially Palestinians,

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who suffer the most in this conflict.

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Usama Antar, a political scientist who lived in Gaza for years and left in December

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2023, shortly after the war started, says this isn't just war to him,

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it's systematic destruction.

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His family still lives in Gaza, and for him, that's the reality on the ground.

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To be honest, it's become completely clear by now.

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Israel is following a plan to expel the entire Palestinian population.

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Every time we think, okay, now Israel must have achieved its war goals in Gaza,

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we realize it's still not over.

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There are always new hidden objectives. And the result?

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More operations, more deaths, more civilian suffering. Wir sagen immer,

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dass das war, das kann nicht weitergehen.

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Aber Israel continue, bombings, destruction, deliberate attacks auf Menschen, every single day.

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Wie viele mehr civilians will Israel töten?

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Und es ist nicht nur über die Bombs in Gaza. Menschen sind deliberately starved.

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No Medizin ist in den Gehen. And when aid does get through, which only happens

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after massive international pressure, it's just a tiny amount.

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Then the Israeli army tells the truck drivers exactly where to go,

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and those places are often dangerous.

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Armed groups are waiting there to steal the aid.

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Just imagine that. The signal that food distribution is starting isn't a loudspeaker, it's real gunfire.

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Das Zeichen dafür, dass die Essenverteilung beginnt, ist kein Lautsprecher, sondern echtes Schuss.

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Ich bin zu den Gaza Strip ein paar Mal, aber das war bevor der Krieg begann.

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Ich wollte die Situation für mich selbst sehen. Und ja, Dinge waren bereits kompliziert dann.

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Aber eine Sache, die ich immer wieder zurückkehren habe, ist die Description

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der Gaza als eine große, open-air prison.

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Natürlich, die Bewegung war stark, aber ehrlich gesagt, Leben war nicht so schwer

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wie die Menschen denken.

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There were restaurants, some decent hotels, and for many daily life was still somewhat manageable.

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Before the Hamas terror attack in October 2023, quite a few Palestinians from

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Gaza were allowed to work in Israel.

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There was a slow shift toward easing restrictions.

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But that all ended with the attack. And now, if you look at the images coming

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out of Gaza or talk to people still there, it's clear. The situation is catastrophic.

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After nearly two years of war, whole parts of the Strip, Khan Yunis,

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Rafa, Beit Hanun, are in ruins. The scale of destruction is hard to put into words.

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We've already covered this in earlier episodes, including Voices from the Ground.

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We'll link to those in the show notes. The UN now says nearly a quarter of the

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2.1 million people in Gaza are going hungry.

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Israel says Hamas is preventing aid from being distributed.

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Critics argue that's just a cover, and that's really one of the major problems

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in this war. We don't know exactly what's going on inside Gaza.

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There's very little transparency.

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Western journalists and media outlets have been calling on Israel to allow access,

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but the government says it's too dangerous under the laws of war.

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Honestly, I think that's nonsense. We're war reporters, we know the risks,

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and we'd absolutely go in if we were allowed.

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That's our job, to see and report things firsthand. But instead,

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we have to rely on voices from inside Gaza and aid workers who are still there,

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und die historien sie erzählen, die Videos und Fotos sie senden,

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machen es painfully klar wie bad die Dinge wirklich sind.

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Just einen Tag bevor wir das Video recorded, Israel respondte zu growing international pressure.

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Über 100 aidorganisationen sind auf die Begründung für ein ceasefire und full humanitarian access.

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30 countries, including die UK, Canada, Japan und Australia,

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haben jetzt urged Israel zu agree zu a truce und zu let aid in.

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Und die Leute ich regelmäßig in Kontakt mit in Gaza sagen, dass die Situation

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die Wurzeln wird heute Morgen.

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In response, Israel annunced was sie z.B. die Humanitarian Pause ist.

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In certain areas, fighting is supposed to stop for 10 hours a day,

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so aid can be distributed.

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Supplies are also being airdropped into Gaza, a sign really of just how intense

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the pressure on Israel has become.

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But Usama Antar doesn't just criticize Israel. He also takes aim at the international

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community and especially at Germany.

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Germany in particular remained silent. The polite statements from the German

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government that they're concerned about the situation in Gaza and that they

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urge Israel to allow humanitarian aid are meaningless.

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They have no real impact.

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They're just empty words, like a sedative that calms you down but doesn't actually help.

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What's really needed is a clear ultimatum. Only real pressure can bring about

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change. because if there are no consequences, people become reckless and they just keep going.

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And that's exactly what's happening right now. Israel seems to believe the world

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will eventually forget all of this.

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But that's not going to happen. The internet doesn't forget.

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The images and videos of what has happened in Gaza, they'll be around for a

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long time and those responsible for these war crimes must be held accountable.

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Before an international court.

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Whether people like Benjamin Netanyahu or his ministers Itamar Ben-Gvir and

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Bezalel Smotrich, who really can be called far-right extremists,

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will ever face international justice, I honestly doubt it.

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But what's happening in Gaza right now, as Osama Antar said,

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are images that will leave a deep mark on the global conscience.

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And I have to say, in the beginning, I felt Israel's military response to the

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October 7th Hamas attack was justified.

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After all, this was the deadliest massacre of Jews since the Holocaust.

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A military reaction was inevitable, and yes, sadly, so were civilian casualties.

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Hamas launches its attacks from within neighborhoods, schools, hospitals.

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It operates from civilian infrastructure, in plain clothes, and uses people as human shields.

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That's part of its strategy. Hamas wants images of civilian suffering.

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Es benutzt sie für die Propaganda.

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Es weiß genau, was es ist.

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Und die Waffen-Wahrer ist immer brutal, immer messy. Die Zivilisten sind verloren.

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Aber still, was wir sehen über die letzten Wochen, ist weit über das.

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Ich denke, die Regierung der Israel hat einen sehr starken Fehler gemacht.

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Starving die Bevölkerung als Teil einer Krieg-Stratik, ist klar, ist ein Krieg-Krime.

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Kein Argument ändert das. Was passiert in Gaza ist jetzt verrückt.

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Man kann nicht mehr Zutaten, Wasser, Mediziner für über 2 Millionen Menschen

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und dann überprüfen, wie ein so-called Humanitarianer Stadt in southern Gaza,

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wo 600,000 Menschen werden.

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Das ist nicht eine Lösung. Das ist nicht eine Krieg-Taktik. Das ist etwas anderes,

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entweder. Und wir nicht vergessen, dass das Fallout das hat, globally.

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Es ist bereits ein Vorteil für die Jewish-Verteilung der Welt.

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Es gibt ammünion zu Anti-Semiten, die nur für eine Grund für ein Grund für ihre Hände zu geben.

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In meinem Fall, Israel's leadership hat den Land in einem military- und moral-dead-end.

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Das sagt, Kritikism ist growing, inside Israel, too.

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Take Anita Haviv, für example. Sie ist eine Wrichter, aus Vienna,

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die in den 1970s war, in Israel.

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Wir haben ihn schon erwähnt. Sie hat sie vorhin geschrieben,

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Solidarity Means Action, Israeli Civil Society After the Massacre.

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Sie kennt die Land intimately.

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Und sie ist sehr anders von Arya Schalikar. Sie spricht über eine Regierung,

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die sich in den Menschen zu verlieren, über eine Gesellschaft,

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die sich in einem breaking point zu erreichen.

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Und sie ist auf die Menschen, die eine klar-dichtung zwischen den actions of

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this far-right government and the broader Israeli society.

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These interests aren't just different, they actually contradict each other.

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In my view, this government is built solely around Netanyahu's personal interests.

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The government is stuck in a dead end, and yet not really. Sie wird sich,

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dass es nach der Sommer-Recess wird, weil die ultra-Orthodox-Parteien wiederholen die Coalition.

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Bei dann, Netanyahu wird sicher, dass die Strictly Religiösen noch nicht in die Armee servieren.

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What Anita means is that Netanyahu has been facing serious domestic problems,

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and that started well before the Hamas attack on October 7th, 2023.

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You might remember those massive street protests, when Netanyahu tried to push

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through a judicial overhaul.

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Millions of Israelis took to the streets, feeling like he was steering the country toward autocracy.

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People were deeply worried about the state of democracy in Israel.

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Then came the Hamas attack, and all of that was put on hold.

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The country pulled together, saying, First, we have to deal with the external enemy.

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But Netanyahu still has a big personal problem. He's under investigation for corruption.

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As long as he's prime minister, he has immunity. But if his government collapses,

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that protection goes away, and he could end up in court or even in prison.

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So he's also fighting for his political and legal survival.

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And that, Anita suggests, might be part of why this war is still dragging on.

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Meanwhile, protests inside Israel are growing Protests against the way the war

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is being conducted And against how long it's been going on On one hand,

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because there are still about 50 Israeli hostages in Gaza Most are presumed

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dead But their families still want to bring their bodies home To bury them properly

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and have closure On the other hand,

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many Israelis are now deeply affected By the suffering of Palestinian civilians

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At recent demonstrations,

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some protesters held up photos of Palestinian children killed in Gaza.

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And in a powerful act of solidarity, there was a mirror protest in Gaza itself.

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Palestinians holding up pictures of Israeli children who had died.

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That was incredibly brave and honestly very moving.

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Anita says this clearly shows, when it comes to Gaza, what many people in Israeli

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society want is fundamentally different from what their government is doing.

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All the polls show that a large majority of people support bringing the hostages home and ending the war.

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The war with Iran is seen a bit differently by many Israelis.

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But the reality is, the soldiers can't just keep going forever,

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especially not the reservists.

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And many of them simply won't want to anymore.

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It's no coincidence that tens of thousands of Israelis have already left the country.

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At the same time, despite all the chaos and darkness, I still see hope.

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Nicht in politik, oder durch any political leadership, aber in civil society.

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Die eine reale Sorge, als ich sehe es, ist die Kraft der civilen Gesellschaft,

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in den Städten und in den Städten zu den Städten und in den Städten zu den Städten.

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Die in den Städten von den Städten, die in den Städten, in den Städten,

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in den Städten, in den Städten.

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Wenn Anita spricht über die Städte, oder Binnenflüchtlinge, als sie sie nennt,

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she means two groups in particular.

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First, the people who had to flee their homes in the Kibbutzim that were attacked

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and destroyed by Hamas and other militants on October 7, 2023.

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And second, residents in northern Israel who've been under constant threat from

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Hezbollah, drone strikes, mortar attacks, pretty much since that same day.

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All in all, around 10,000 Israelis are still displaced inside their own country.

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And honestly, that's something that doesn't come up much in international conversations.

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But it's a big deal. These people are living temporarily in other kibbutzim,

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in private homes or in hotels.

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And as long as the situation in

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Gaza and up north near Lebanon remains unstable, they're not going home.

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They're still living as displaced persons.

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Anita points out something important here. The fact that Israeli society has

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absorbed these people, housed them, supported them, it shows a real sense of

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solidarity. Es ist eine Art der sozialen Resilienz, die nicht immer noch gehalten

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wird, besonders außerhalb der Lande.

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In der gleichen Zeit, Anita sieht mehr und mehr Menschen in Israel starten zu

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sprechen, openly und courageously, gegen die Regierung, sagen,

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Enough, das kann nicht passieren, und eine Lösung, das sogar möglich ist Israel's Medienlandschaft.

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Für alle ihre Flaws, es ist immer sehr pluralistisch. You've got newspapers

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like Haaretz reporting critically on the war, including on alleged war crimes

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by the Israeli military.

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You've got NGOs like Bitzalem, Peace Now, and Breaking the Silence calling out

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human rights violations, whether they come from the army or from settlers in the West Bank.

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Anita believes that this kind of internal criticism is one of the things that

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sets Israel apart from many of its neighbors, where that kind of open dissent

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just wouldn't be tolerated.

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In some places it could even be dangerous, but of course not everyone sees it that way.

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Sulaiman Abu Daya, a Palestinian sociologist who lives in East Jerusalem,

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looks at the situation from a very different angle.

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From his point of view, Israel is overestimating its own strength and underestimating

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the toll all of this is taking on its own society.

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Israel ist in einer precarischen Situation, politisch, diplomatisch,

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moralisch, trotz seiner militärischen Stärke.

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I think Israel is in a very precarious position, politically.

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Diplomatically and morally, despite its military strength and what some might

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call its military successes in places like Lebanon against Iran and its influence

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in Syria, including its role as a supposed und die Drugs.

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Still, ich glaube, Israel ist überstreckt ihre Kraft und seine Grenzen.

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Es ist auch ein Schraub auf die Gesellschaft, die nicht nur als Dividend sind,

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weil es jetzt nicht nur die vielen Waren und Militärsfehlungen sind.

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Aber ich glaube, dass es auch in Israel gibt, led by Netanyahu,

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und seine extreme, sogar Faschist-Allies, wie Ben-Gvir und Smotrich,

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who want to fundamentally change the identity of the country and its society,

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and that's creating a deep rift within Israeli society itself.

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Die britischen Verbündeten wie Bink-Wir und Smotrich, die die bisherige Identität

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der Gesellschaft und Israels verändern wollen, das führt zu einer tiefen Spaltung

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innerhalb der israelischen Gesellschaften.

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What Sulaiman Abu Daya means when he talks about changing Israel's identity is this.

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Figures like Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich They're not just politicians,

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they're far-right extremists We're talking about messianic, apocalyptic types

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Jewish extremists, plain and simple Take Ben-Gvir, for example.

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Before he became Minister of National Security, he was actually convicted for supporting terrorism.

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And he used to have a portrait of Baruch Goldstein hanging in his living room.

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Goldstein was a Jewish doctor who murdered 29 Palestinian worshippers in Hebron in the 1990s.

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That's the kind of person Ben-Gavir openly admired.

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So yes, both Ben-Gavir and Smotrich are extremists. And it feels like Netanyahu

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is basically their hostage.

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That's my impression. Netanyahu is fighting for his political survival and he needs them.

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Without their support, his coalition collapses and if that happens,

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he could face serious legal trouble, especially if he loses in new elections.

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What's more, Ben Gavir and Smotrich don't hide what they want.

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They're very clear. They support the idea of a greater Israel.

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That means the entire West Bank

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and even the Gaza Strip should be Jewish territory, fully settled by Jews.

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They've openly talked about removing Palestinians from these areas altogether.

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You might remember those outrageous plans from late 2023, early 2024,

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the idea of emptying Gaza completely, forcibly relocating the 2 million people

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who live there to other countries.

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Even Trump supported the idea at one point. Those plans have gone quiet for

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now, mostly because no country wants to take in 2 million Palestinians.

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But the idea hasn't disappeared.

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That vision is still very real for people like Ben-Gavir and Smotrich.

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Their goal is clear. They want Israel to become an exclusively Jewish state.

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Right now Israel is still a very diverse country. There are many Muslim Arab

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citizens who live there and are free to practice their religion.

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But people like Ben-Gavir and Smotrich want to change that completely and they

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believe violence is the way to do it.

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That's how they think they can turn this fantasy of a greater Israel into reality.

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According to Sulaiman, this path Israel is on is already having international consequences.

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He believes the country's image as a small threatened democracy is being destroyed.

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On top of that, Israel is no longer seen internationally as the vulnerable,

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endangered state it once was.

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More and more countries and people around the world believe that what Israel

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is doing, especially in Gaza, amounts to genocide, to war crimes,

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And it's becoming impossible to justify. I think even some of Israel's closest

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allies, yes, even in Germany, are starting to question this policy.

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You could say Israel now stands morally exposed.

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That's exactly what I was getting at earlier. I mean, I really worry about this

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too. We can't forget, Israel is surrounded by enemies, by states and groups

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that have wanted to wipe it off the map since 1948, since the country was founded.

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But with what's happening right now, especially in the Gaza Strip,

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Israel is rapidly losing international reputation.

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And honestly, it seems to me that the Israeli government has maneuvered itself

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into a military dead end.

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I get the impression they don't really have a plan for what comes next.

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No Plan B, C, or D for the time after these military operations.

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And so far, none of their major strategic goals have really been achieved.

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Iran's nuclear program hasn't been destroyed. The regime in Tehran is still standing.

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Hezbollah hasn't been pushed back beyond the Letani River in Lebanon,

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which runs about 30 kilometers from Israel's northern border.

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They still seem quite active in that area.

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In Gaza, Hamas is still capable of carrying out attacks. In the West Bank,

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things are still extremely volatile.

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Jewish settlers continue to attack Palestinian villages, including Christian ones.

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Just a few weeks ago, they even attacked an Israeli military outpost.

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People are dying there nearly every week. Meanwhile, the Houthis in Yemen are

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still firing rockets toward Israel.

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And in southern Syria, Israel is carrying out operations to try to prevent terror

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groups from entrenching themselves near its border.

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Since Assad's fall, Iran has lost one of its key allies in the region.

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But Israel is trying to create a buffer zone there. So far, though,

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it hasn't been particularly successful.

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And as I said, international criticism is growing.

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Even Israel's closest allies are starting to distance themselves from Netanyahu's government.

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Just today, on the day we're recording this, Trump threatened Netanyahu,

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saying he needs to end the war in Gaza because people are starving,

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and that's unacceptable.

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So when even your most loyal partners start to pull away, that's not a good

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sign for your long-term future. At the same time, Israel's government is still

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pushing ahead with plans for new settlements in the West Bank, 22 of them to be exact.

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That's clearly a violation of international law and it makes the overall outlook even harder.

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Right now, there's really no realistic peace perspective.

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And then there's the question of what's going to happen with Lebanon.

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There are hints that Israel may be preparing new strikes there.

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Just yesterday, again, a top Israeli official publicly threatened Iran with

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renewed attacks. So the whole situation is incredibly tense.

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And honestly, I think Israel has boxed itself in.

00:30:48.649 --> 00:30:54.089
I'm really placing my hope in Israeli civil society that people there will push

00:30:54.089 --> 00:30:57.229
their own government to stop and think about where all this is going.

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The public seems exhausted, tired of fear, full of doubt.

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And in the end, it's also about bringing the Israeli hostages home,

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those who are still alive and those who've died, so that their families can find closure.

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Right now, though, the situation just looks bleak. And no one really knows what

00:31:16.244 --> 00:31:18.244
happens if Hamas is actually defeated.

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Will the violence stop? Or will the cycle just repeat?

00:31:22.344 --> 00:31:26.844
This is such an emotionally charged conflict, there are almost no simple answers.

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In my reporting, I've noticed how extreme the polarization is.

00:31:31.244 --> 00:31:36.944
On one side, I've been called anti-Semitic. On the other, I've been called a Zionist puppet.

00:31:37.304 --> 00:31:41.504
This black-and-white thinking, this total lack of empathy, Das ist etwas,

00:31:41.664 --> 00:31:43.844
ich habe nicht gesehen, in einem anderen Konflikt in der Welt.

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Es macht es viel schwerer.

00:31:45.724 --> 00:31:48.284
Und wie ich gesagt habe, es gibt keine easyen Lösungen.

00:31:48.804 --> 00:31:54.304
Wenn es ein Feier ist, in Gaza wird, wie lange es dauert. Especially wenn die

00:31:54.304 --> 00:31:56.564
Settlemente Expansion in den West Bank.

00:31:56.944 --> 00:31:59.644
France hat gerade gesehen, Palestine als ein Staat.

00:32:00.104 --> 00:32:04.264
Aber das Staat ist nur auf paper. In der Ende, die meisten Leute,

00:32:04.424 --> 00:32:09.144
auf beide Seiten, wollen sie in peace leben, ihre Familien in Sicherheit und

00:32:09.144 --> 00:32:12.004
Dignität. How we get there, though, that's the big question.

00:32:12.304 --> 00:32:15.084
Some Palestinians say Israel has to go.

00:32:15.484 --> 00:32:21.104
Some Israelis say we have to impose our will by force. Others just want reconciliation.

00:32:21.764 --> 00:32:26.644
Who will ultimately prevail? No one knows. That question is wide open,

00:32:26.644 --> 00:32:28.584
and that's where we'll leave it for now.

00:32:28.824 --> 00:32:34.124
This episode was produced by Alexander Baumeister, who's also a journalist with

00:32:34.124 --> 00:32:39.104
the Funke Media Group. If you like our work, follow us, rate us on Spotify,

00:32:39.524 --> 00:32:42.344
Apple Podcasts or wherever you're listening.

00:32:42.664 --> 00:32:45.864
It really helps people find us. Thanks for tuning in.

00:32:46.324 --> 00:32:48.344
Take care and see you next time. Ciao.

